My other blogs concerning the Media:
http://tiny.cc/pfbey (quotes that you - of course- don't find in the media: Russell, Solzhenitzyn , Bernays)
http://tiny.cc/ieqgiw ( Ronald Dreyfuss: US promootte het islam-fundamentalisme )
http://tiny.cc/3kqgiw ( MacDonald. En : een voorbeeld van enkele demonstranten tegen Iran die groots de media halen.)
Op de blog van Stan van Houcke lees ik bij toeval een oud bericht uit de maanden vóór de inval in Irak.
U vindt het hier.
Hieronder heb ik de tekst gecopieerd, en ik kleur daarin de plaatsten waar de MSM worden gemanipuleerd in het rood.
Inside TV News: We Were Silenced by the Drums of War.
By Jeff Cohen (*)
September 11th made 2001 a defining year in our country's history. But 2002 may have been the strangest. It began with all eyes on Osama bin Laden and ended with Osama bin Forgotten - as the White House turned its attention to Iraq. Bush's January 2003 State of the Union speech mentioned Saddam Hussein 17 times, but bin Laden not once.
Everything about my nine-month stint at cable news channel MSNBC occurred in the context of the ever-intensifying war drums over Iraq. The drums grew louder as D-Day approached, until the din (lawaai) became so deafening that rational journalistic thinking could not occur. Three weeks before the invasion, MSNBC Suits terminated "Donahue," their most-watched program.
For 19 weeks, I had appeared in on-air debates almost every afternoon - the last weeks heavily focused on Iraq. I adamantly opposed an invasion. I warned that it would "undermine our coalition with Muslim and Arab countries that we need to [help us] fight Al Qaeda" and would lead to "quagmire."
In October 2002, my debate segments were terminated. There was no room for me after MSNBC launched Countdown: Iraq - a daily show that seemed more keen on glamorizing a potential war than scrutinizing or debating it. The show featured retired colonels and generals resembling boys with war toys as they used props, maps and glitzy graphics to spin invasion scenarios. They reminded me of pumped-up ex-football players doing pregame analysis.
It was excruciating (heel pijnlijk) to be silenced while myth and misinformation went unchallenged. Military analysts typically appeared unopposed; they were presented as experts, not advocates. But their closeness to the Pentagon often obstructed independent, skeptical analysis.
When Hans Blix led UN weapons inspectors back into Iraq in November 2002 after a four-year absence, Countdown: Iraq's host asked an MSNBC military analyst, "What's the buzz from the Pentagon about Hans Blix?" The retired colonel declared that Blix was considered "something like the Inspector Clousseau of the weapons of mass destruction inspection program ... who will only remember the last thing he was told - and that he's very malleable."
Retired General Barry McCaffrey was the star military analyst on NBC and MSNBC - a hawk who pushed for an invasion every chance he got. (After the war started, McCaffrey crowed, "Thank God for the Abrams tank and the Bradley fighting vehicle." Unknown to viewers, McCaffrey sat on the board of a military contractor that pocketed millions on the Abrams and Bradley.)
As the war began, CNN news president Eason Jordan admitted that his network's military analysts were government-approved:
"I went to the Pentagon myself several times before the war started. I met with important people there and said, for instance, at CNN, here are the generals we're thinking of retaining to advise us on the air and off about the war. And we got a big thumbs-up on all of them. That was important."
[The idea of] Pentagon-approved analysts calls to mind FAIR's protest chant: "Two, four, six, eight/Separate the press and state."'
Everything about my nine-month stint at cable news channel MSNBC occurred in the context of the ever-intensifying war drums over Iraq. The drums grew louder as D-Day approached, until the din (lawaai) became so deafening that rational journalistic thinking could not occur. Three weeks before the invasion, MSNBC Suits terminated "Donahue," their most-watched program.
For 19 weeks, I had appeared in on-air debates almost every afternoon - the last weeks heavily focused on Iraq. I adamantly opposed an invasion. I warned that it would "undermine our coalition with Muslim and Arab countries that we need to [help us] fight Al Qaeda" and would lead to "quagmire."
In October 2002, my debate segments were terminated. There was no room for me after MSNBC launched Countdown: Iraq - a daily show that seemed more keen on glamorizing a potential war than scrutinizing or debating it. The show featured retired colonels and generals resembling boys with war toys as they used props, maps and glitzy graphics to spin invasion scenarios. They reminded me of pumped-up ex-football players doing pregame analysis.
It was excruciating (heel pijnlijk) to be silenced while myth and misinformation went unchallenged. Military analysts typically appeared unopposed; they were presented as experts, not advocates. But their closeness to the Pentagon often obstructed independent, skeptical analysis.
When Hans Blix led UN weapons inspectors back into Iraq in November 2002 after a four-year absence, Countdown: Iraq's host asked an MSNBC military analyst, "What's the buzz from the Pentagon about Hans Blix?" The retired colonel declared that Blix was considered "something like the Inspector Clousseau of the weapons of mass destruction inspection program ... who will only remember the last thing he was told - and that he's very malleable."
Retired General Barry McCaffrey was the star military analyst on NBC and MSNBC - a hawk who pushed for an invasion every chance he got. (After the war started, McCaffrey crowed, "Thank God for the Abrams tank and the Bradley fighting vehicle." Unknown to viewers, McCaffrey sat on the board of a military contractor that pocketed millions on the Abrams and Bradley.)
As the war began, CNN news president Eason Jordan admitted that his network's military analysts were government-approved:
"I went to the Pentagon myself several times before the war started. I met with important people there and said, for instance, at CNN, here are the generals we're thinking of retaining to advise us on the air and off about the war. And we got a big thumbs-up on all of them. That was important."
[The idea of] Pentagon-approved analysts calls to mind FAIR's protest chant: "Two, four, six, eight/Separate the press and state."'
Lees verder: http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/122606M.shtml
(*) Jeff Cohen: Schreef mee aan 5 boeken over media-bias ( niet objectieve media) en was in 2002 producer bij de Phil Donahue show. Hij is baas van FAIR.
Opmerking van Stan van Houcke:
Uit eigen ervaring weet ik hoe ook in Hilversum dissidente visies onmogelijk werden gemaakt. Zelfs bij de VPRO. Ook de Hilversumse publieke omroepen zijn door de kijk- en luistercijfers en de reclame onderdeel van de commerciele massamedia, ook al worden ze voor een groot deel met belastinggeld gesubsidieerd.
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De vraag is nu: WIE MANIPULEERT DE MEDIA ?
Zijn dat de Big Corporations, zoals Van Houcke schijnt te denken?
Big Corp. dat de VPRO onder controle heeft ?
Onwaarschijnlijk.
Ik ben het met Israel Shamir (1) eens: het is de Zionistische lobby en alles daaromheen, in Shamirs woorden: media lords, chief editors, their favourite university pundits – in short, the Masters of Discourse.
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Nagekomen berichten:
John Pilger heeft een 90 minuten durende video gepubliceerd, eind dec 2010, waarin journalisten vertellen hoe ze meewerkten aan 'bedrog': 7 delen.
Deel 1: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=egcTynu6sBk&feature=related
deel 5: Over Israel.
deel 6: Interview met Julain Assange.
Max Blumenthal schreef een column over het moslim-bashen. Dat is uiteraard ook een vorm van media-bedrog.
John Pilger heeft een 90 minuten durende video gepubliceerd, eind dec 2010, waarin journalisten vertellen hoe ze meewerkten aan 'bedrog': 7 delen.
Deel 1: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=egcTynu6sBk&feature=related
deel 5: Over Israel.
deel 6: Interview met Julain Assange.
Max Blumenthal schreef een column over het moslim-bashen. Dat is uiteraard ook een vorm van media-bedrog.
In Venezuela is de pers wèl vrij en nìet gemanipuleerd : http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=3022
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